Guest Post by David Vardy
SUPREME COURT OF CANADA: NL VS. NS ON
CONTRACTUAL INEQUITY
The “Good Faith” Argument
Finally, the Supreme Court of Canada (SCC) is
hearing the argument that the Churchill Falls contract is inequitable. The SCC
hearing began on December 5, 2017. This is an appeal to a decision of the
Supreme Court of Quebec, which was in turn an appeal of a decision rendered by
Judge Joel Silcoff on July 24, 2014. CFLCo had sought the following declaration
(Silcoff, p. 2):
CFLCo lost in both tribunals and are now asking the
SCC to overturn the decision of the Quebec courts. Their position is that the
profits enjoyed by Hydro Quebec were unforeseen in 1969 and Hydro Quebec has a
duty to renegotiate. Lawyers for the Churchill Falls Corporation (CFLCo) argued
that Hydro Quebec has not acted “in good faith”.
CFLCo is basing its case in part on the fact that
Quebec civil law recognizes that “long-term, interdependent, collaborative
contracts contain implicit good faith duties of loyalty and collaboration that
require parties to adjust and adapt over the long life of the contract to
maintain the contract’s relevance for both parties. (Appellant’s
Factum before the SCC, p.4).”
In framing its case before the SCC CFLCo is arguing that there is a concept of partnership in play which calls for the SCC to make a judgement as to whether the sharing of the profits from Churchill Falls is fair and equitable. Whether the SCC accepts this argument remains to be seen.
In framing its case before the SCC CFLCo is arguing that there is a concept of partnership in play which calls for the SCC to make a judgement as to whether the sharing of the profits from Churchill Falls is fair and equitable. Whether the SCC accepts this argument remains to be seen.
David Vardy |
Renegotiating with Nova Scotia
This poses the question as to whether we will soon
be heading back to the SCC once again to seek redress on our agreements with
Nova Scotia, which have become unbalanced in their favour? We will
not be able to invoke the Quebec civil code, as we have with Hydro Quebec but
we may have another, better card to play.
Lawyers for CFLCo have been searching in vain in
the power contract and other documents for a statement of the intended sharing
arrangements, to deal with unforeseeable events which have arisen over a 65
year contract. In the case of our agreements with Nova Scotia concerning the
Maritime Link we do have such a statement, embodied in the Term Sheet, signed
by the parties. Does this place us in a stronger position to deal
with inequities, in the event we have to go to court with Nova Scotia?
The deal with Nova Scotia was announced November
18, 2010, based on the “20 for 20” principle and enshrined in the famous Term
Sheet announced by Premiers Danny Williams and Darrell Dexter. Before adding
the cost of capital financing, the Newfoundland and Labrador share of the
project was valued at $5 billion, while the Nova Scotian component, the
Maritime Link, was valued at $1.2 billion, or 20% of the cost, for a total of
$6.2 billion. When financing costs are added the NL component alone was
estimated at $6.2 billion and the Maritime Link was estimated at $1.4 billion
for a total of $7.6 billion. The “20 for 20” principle set out in the Term
Sheet provides for Emera to absorb 20% of the capital investment for 20% of the
power from Muskrat Falls.
In exchange for building the Maritime Link, and
allowing Nalcor Energy to export power at no transmission cost over the Link,
Emera was to receive 20% of the power for 35 years. This represented a
commitment of 980 GWh annually, at no energy charge. At the end of 35 years the
Link was to be transferred to Nalcor. On top of this Nalcor was to supply 240
GWh of “supplemental” power each year for five years. The “Nova Scotia block”
was therefore 1,220 GWh for five years and then 980 GWh each year for 30 years.
This will begin in 2020, three years later than originally planned.
This Nova Scotia block was intended to enable Nova
Scotia to decommission some of its coal plants and to comply with federal
emission standards. This was accepted as “green power” coming from Muskrat
Falls. Nova Scotia’s participation was essential to make the project “regional”
in scope and therefore secure the federal loan guarantee for the full project.
The Role of the UARB
The Term Sheet contained a catch. The Utilities and
Review Board (UARB) of Nova Scotia had to approve this deal before it was
accepted. This was a smart move for Nova Scotia. In this province there was no
similar role mandated in the Term Sheet for the Public Utilities Board. Indeed,
the project was exempted from the jurisdiction of the PUB.
When the UARB ruled on this Term Sheet in July of
2012 they turned thumbs down on the deal. They wanted more power at spot market
prices, then estimated at five cents per KWh and rising to nine cents. The UARB
insisted on a better deal and Nalcor capitulated, knowing that the federal loan
guarantee was on the line and that the province could not finance this project
without a federal guarantee. This capitulation took the form of an Energy
Access Agreement (EAA) under which Nalcor must supply a minimum of 1,200 GWh of
“market energy” over the period up to 2041, initially intended to cover 24
years.
To sweeten the deal Emera was allowed to acquire a
29% share of the Labrador Island Link, with a guaranteed rate of return linked
to rates allowed to other regulated utilities.
Emera had no equity share in the generation component,
nor was it required to share in cost overruns at the Muskrat Falls site.
Nalcor, on the other hand, was required to share in cost escalation on the
Maritime Link.
Where does this agreement now stand? The cost of
the Maritime Link has risen from $1.4 billion to $1.7 billion (including
financing costs) while the generation and transmission costs borne by NL have
risen from $6.2 billion to $12.7 billion (including financing costs). The
overall project costs have gone from $7.6 billion in 2010 to $14.4 billion.
Nova Scotia’s share is now 11.8%, and not 20%. This is due to the more extreme
cost escalation for the NL components, particularly at the generation site,
than that experienced by Nova Scotia in building the Maritime Link, which
remained within the escalation margin allowed by the UARB.
New sharing arrangements
Because of the Energy Access Agreement, demanded by
the UARB, the minimum energy commitment to Nova Scotia has risen by 1,200 GWh.
For the first five years Nova Scotia’s share of the energy output from Muskrat
Falls will be at least 2,420 GWh. Taking account of line losses the amount of
Muskrat Falls power delivered at Soldier’s Pond will be 4,600 GWh, below the
4,900 GWh average production for which the plant is rated. Further line losses
can be expected when this power is wheeled on to the Mainland but these will be
ignored for now. The share of the 4,600 GWh committed to Nova Scotia becomes
not 20% but 52.6% The 20% for 20% principle has gone out the window!
When first announced in November 2010, and again on
sanction in December 2012, it was clearly stated that Muskrat Falls was being
developed to meet the needs of NL, particularly the Island of Newfoundland. A
full 40% or 2,000 GWh was to be used at the outset. With reduced demand
projected it is likely that displacement of Holyrood will absorb only 1,500 GWh
or maybe much less, if demand collapses, due to doubling of power rates on the
Island.
Emera’s share of equity in the Labrador Island Link
has risen from 29% to 63%, expected to “true up” at 59%. This will be an
attractive return producing more revenues for Nova Scotia than intended.
What about the prospect of lucrative export
revenues? Can we count at least on the five cents per KWh (rising to nine
cents), which was the initial forecast presented to the UARB? Look at Nalcor’s
return on the export of 1,600 GWh of Recall power as reported in its 2016
Business and Financial Report, which yielded a mere $43.5 million, or 2.7 cents
per KWh! Wheeling fees accounted for about half of this amount or 1.3 cents. If
we sell the additional 1,200 GWh at this price it would yield only $32 million,
assuming no wheeling fees need to be paid.
We cannot impose an energy charge on the “Nova
Scotia block” which, for the first five years, amounts to 1,220 GWh. The 1,200
GWh in sales under the EAA will bring the total to 2,420 GWh. The EAA provides
for 1,200 GWh to 1,800 GWh, with 1,200 GWh as a minimum. If Nova Scotia buys
1,800 GWh then its share of energy will be 3,020 GWh or 66% of the total,
making it by far the principal beneficiary!
Impact of doubled power rates
If the doubling of power rates on the Island
creates a large scale substitution effect then Island demand will collapse, as
people substitute other forms of energy or redouble their energy efficiency.
Not only is demand for power likely to plummet but so will revenues from sales.
Does the agreement with Nova Scotia offer any solace? Not in the least.
In that event we will have 2,180 GWH (4,600 GWh
less 2,420 GWh) to sell elsewhere if Nova Scotia takes 1,200 GWh under the EAA
(rather than 1,800 GWh). If Nalcor sells the power to Mainland users other than
Nova Scotia then there will likely be wheeling fees to pay. Using the recent
experiences of Nalcor in marketing surplus Recall power as a guide and taking
the spot market price as 2.7 cents less wheeling fees in the amount of 50%,
produces a net yield of 1.3 cents per KWh. Based on this amount the export
revenues would be $31.5 million, yielding total export revenues in the order of
$63.5 million. In this scenario the $63.5 million would be the totality of the
revenue available to repay $800 million in incremental costs due to Muskrat
Falls.
This is less than half of the 2021 operating and
maintenance costs and certainly not enough to cover the additional $800 million
in revenue requirements triggered by Muskrat Falls. When faced with this
prospect what should we do? If a better deal cannot be renegotiated should we
simply renege and face the penalties? Under this scenario mothballing of the
assets may be the best option.
A Bargaining Chip?
What are our prospects of renegotiating? Are they
better than our chances of renegotiating the Churchill Falls contract using the
“Good faith” argument? Clearly there are benchmarks that can be invoked, going
back to the Term Sheet. The agreements with Nova Scotia, as currently
structured, do not align with the Term Sheet. We have abandoned the 20/20
principle. Instead, for less than 12% of the capital cost (compared with 20%
originally) Nova Scotia has access to as much as 66% of the energy. Instead of
29% equity in the Labrador Island Link Emera has 59%,
privatizing a large share of the transmission infrastructure in our province.
Why did we give away our bargaining position by
allowing Nova Scotia to insert the UARB into a critical bargaining role? Why
did we weaken our position by emasculating our own PUB? These will be questions
that those in charge will have to answer when they appear before the Muskrat
Falls Inquiry Commissioner.
When the province appears before the SCC to argue
that Emera should renegotiate we will have benchmarks in place, benchmarks
included in a Term Sheet announced by Premiers who quickly disappeared from the
scene. Will this Term Sheet empower us to argue that the intent of the
agreements was not to make Nova Scotia the principal beneficiary of the Muskrat
Falls project, assigning them at least 52% of the power and as much as 66%, for
less than 12% of the capital cost? Can we argue that the agreements can be
renounced for failing to align with the intended goals?
What seems abundantly clear is that these
agreements with Nova Scotia do not create the basis for a mutually beneficial
partnership.
Where is the strategy that will rescue us from the
mistakes we have made and direct our efforts toward more productive outcomes?
Nalcor is digging us further and further into a financial hole from which no
escape appears visible. Government has failed to prompt an informed debate in
the future of Muskrat Falls. Surely the Commission of Inquiry has a role to
play in seeking solutions to the fundamental flaws of Muskrat Falls, the flawed
water management agreement, our inability to recover costs, our disregard for
the dangers of the North Spur and our reckless agreements with Nova Scotia.
Would our “Good Faith” case with Quebec
be strengthened if we had a Term Sheet, like the one with Nova Scotia? Nova
Scotia is reaping all the benefits and has become the principal beneficiary
rather than NL, as was intended. Nova Scotia is positioned to have access to
all the power it can use and perhaps more besides, for export. Nova Scotia is
deriving numerous secondary economic benefits from low-cost energy, considerable
savings on fossil fuels, environmental benefits, and profit on selling whatever
surplus it cannot use. They have become the principal beneficiary, if not the
entire beneficiary.
The Term Sheet provides a framework for
renegotiating the agreement. The fundamental principle is that the allocation
of costs should equal the energy shares enjoyed by each party. Does this mean
that Nova Scotia’s contribution should be increased to at least 52% of the
cost?
Will we be in a better position when we appear on
the steps of the SCC yet once again? Will the Term Sheet convince the nine
Justices that the agreements with Nova Scotia do not comport with the original
intent and must be renegotiated or renounced?
Must all paths lead to the steps of the Supreme
Court of Canada?
David Vardy